Kultur als Vehikel und als Opponent politischer AbsichtenKulturkontakte zwischen Deutschen, Tschechen und Slowaken von der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis in die 1980er JahreBuchvon Michaela MarekEAN: 9783837504804Einband: GebundenErscheinungsjahr: 2010Spr
Kultur als Vehikel und als Opponent politischer Absichten:Kulturkontakte zwischen Deutschen, Tschechen und Slowaken von der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis in die 1980er Jahre
Erscheinungsdatum: 12/2010Medium: BuchEinband: GebundenTitel: Kultur als Vehikel und als Opponent politischer AbsichtenTitelzusatz: Kulturkontakte zwischen Deutschen, Tschechen und Slowaken von der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis in die 1980er JahreRe
This book offers a collection of texts by Carl Friedrich von Weizsaecker (1912-2007), a major German universal scientist who was also a pioneer in physics, philosophy, religion on issues of politics and peace research. He worked with Werner Heisenberg and Otto Hahn in the German Uranverein, obtained a patent for plutonium during World War II and was an opponent of the nuclear armament of the German armed forces (1957). Furthermore, he published a study on the inability to defend Germany (1971) that was instrumental in the debate on defensive defense since the mid 1970s. He wrote on war and peace, peace and truth, policy implications of nuclear energy, on ethical issues of modern strategy, on consequences of war and war prevention and on the theory of power. He coined the term world domestic policy which still covers a valid theory for political, institutional secured world peace in the atomic age.
This book brings together a roster of prominent contributors to present a strategic interactionist perspective on the study of contentious politics in the Middle East in response to the Arab uprisings. The common thread among the contributions is an interest in the micro-level interactions between various strategic players, including not only the mobilisation of protestors during the uprisings but also the responses of regimes. The book also examines short to medium-term adaptations of the regimes and the collective action of opponents in the post-uprisings period, as well as the subsequent trajectories of the protesters themselves in the face of new forms of authoritarianism or democratisation.
?In the past, for reasons I try to explain, I?ve often felt I had to be careful in public, like I was up on a wire without a net. Now I?m letting my guard down.? ?Hillary Rodham Clinton, from the introduction of What Happened For the first time, Hillary Rodham Clinton reveals what she was thinking and feeling during one of the most controversial and unpredictable presidential elections in history. Now free from the constraints of running, Hillary takes you inside the intense personal experience of becoming the first woman nominated for president by a major party in an election marked by rage, sexism, exhilarating highs and infuriating lows, stranger-than-fiction twists, Russian interference, and an opponent who broke all the rules. This is her most personal memoir yet. In these pages, she describes what it was like to run against Donald Trump, the mistakes she made, how she has coped with a shocking and devastating loss, and how she found the strength to pick herself back up afterward. With humor and candor, she tells readers what it took to get back on her feet?the rituals, relationships, and reading that got her through, and what the experience has taught her about life. She speaks about the challenges of being a strong woman in the public eye, the criticism over her voice, age, and appearance, and the double standard confronting women in politics. She lays out how the 2016 election was marked by an unprecedented assault on our democracy by a foreign adversary. By analyzing the evidence and connecting the dots, Hillary shows just how dangerous the forces are that shaped the outcome, and why Americans need to understand them to protect our values and our democracy in the future. The election of 2016 was unprecedented and historic. What Happened is the story of that campaign and its aftermath?both a deeply intimate account and a cautionary tale for the nation.
This book explores Charles De Gaulle´s use and strict control of television between 1958 and 1969, highlighting the association between charismatic power and television with regards to legitimizing the Gaullist leadership and determining an evolution towards presidentialism during the Fifth Republic. A protagonist of European political history of the twentieth century, Charles de Gaulle was a pioneer in the use of mass media: in the Second World War he had earned the nickname of Général-micro due to his reliance on radio communication; in 1958 he then started an substantive and fruitful use of television, which some of his opponents labelled as ´telecracy´. From difficult beginnings, where he followed the advice of publicity and communication experts, through his masterful TV appearances during the dramatic moments of the Algerian War, to the presidential campaign of 1965 and the crisis of May 1968, the author paints a compelling fresco of de Gaulle as the first TV leader in contemporary European history. The book will appeal to students and scholars interested in the fields of French politics, political communication and political leadership.
Theodore Roosevelt had the good fortune to be born of a well-known, long-established family, with every facility for education and with an atmosphere of patriotism and disinterested service both to country and humanity all about him. In his father he had before him an example of lofty public spirit, from which it would have been difficult to depart. But if the work of his ancestors relieved him from the hard struggle which meets an unaided man at the outset, he also lacked the spur of necessity to prick the sides of his intent, in itself no small loss. As a balance to the opportunity which was his without labor, he had not only the later difficulties which come to him to whom fate has been kind at the start; he had also spread before him the temp-tations inseparable from such inherited advantages as fell to his lot-temptations to a life of sports and pleasure, to lettered ease, to an amateurs career in one of the fine arts, perhaps to a money-making business, likewise an inheritance, none of them easily to be set aside in obedience to the stern rule that the larger and more facile the opportunity the greater and more insistent the responsibility. About Author: henry Cabot Lodge (May 12, 1850 - November 9, 1924) was an American Republican Senator and historian from Massachusetts. Lodge received his PhD in history from Harvard. Lodge was a long-time friend and confidant of Theodore Roosevelt. Lodge had the role (but not the official title) of the first Senate Majority Leader. He is best known for his positions on foreign policy, especially his battle with President Woodrow Wilson in 1919 over the Treaty of Versailles. Lodge demanded Congressional control of declarations of war; Wilson refused and blocked Lodges move to ratify the treaty with reservations. As a result, the United States never joined the League of Nations. Historian George E. Mowry argues that: Henry Cabot Lodge was one of the best informed statesmen of his time, he was an excellent parliamentarian, and he brought to bear on foreign questions a mind that was at once razor sharp and devoid of much of the moral cant that was so typical of the age....[Yet] Lodge never made the contributions he should have made, largely because of Lodge the person. He was opportunistic, selfish, jealous, condescending, supercilious, and could never resist calling his opponents spade a dirty shovel. Small wonder that except for Roosevelt and Root, most of his colleagues of both parties disliked him, and many distrusted him. * * *
Like no other negotiations in recent history, the bilateral agreements on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP for short), split public opinion. This book analyzes the arguments of proponents and opponents, and takes a critical look at the underlying political motives and consequences of TTIP, beyond the headlines about chlorine hens, hormone meat and private arbitration courts. A neoliberal agenda becomes visible which carries out the process which was long ago set in motion, of a `deep liberalization, which does not just radicalize trade policies, but along with this, further facilitates a depoliticization and economization of the classical fields of politics. The great protests against TTIP in civil society however conceal an opportunity to pull trade policy out of the backrooms of the technocrats, and to repoliticize it. Ferdi De Ville (PhD), geb. 1985, ist Dozent für Europäische Studien an der Universität Gent. Gabriel Siles-Brügge (PhD), geb. 1987, ist Dozent für Politikwissenschaft an der Universität Manchester.
Ciceros brief rhetorical dialogue Partitiones oratoriae has hitherto been largely neglected by scholars. Unjustly so, maintains Arweiler, who analyses the text as an independent textbook of rhetoric. He conducts his interpretation with constant reference to Cicero’s great rhetorical works (primarily De oratore ) and philosophical writings. Thus, rhetoric gives power over opponents in disputes, and consequently over political opponents. Against this background, the author shows how successfully Cicero projects himself in the Partitiones oratoriae as a scholar in politics. In the eyes of his contemporaries, this dual function gave him a dominant role in Roman society and politics equal to that of Caesar, and it is no coincidence that Caesar dedicated his own linguistic publication De analogia to Cicero. Alexander Arweiler teaches Classical Studies at the Christian-Albrechts-University of Kiel, Germany.